The traditional interpretation promoted by seminaries regarding the use of the term “Greek” in the Brit Chadashah (New Testament) suggests it is a euphemism for gentiles, rather than a reference to biological Greeks. However, this understanding warrants reconsideration. If the term “Greek” in the Messianic and Apostolic writings actually refers to Greeks themselves, rather than all non-Hebrew peoples, it could significantly alter our comprehension of historical events and the perspectives of the scriptural authors. Such a paradigm shift might explain why Paul traveled extensively to Greek city-states, why references to Greeks are prevalent in the texts, and why the earliest copies of the New Testament are written in Greek. Historically, Jews and Greeks have shared a long and complex relationship. Judah was under Greek rule following Alexander the Great’s conquest in 332 BCE, remaining so until the Maccabean rebellion in 167 BCE. This period was marked by centuries of coexistence and cultural exchange, reminiscent of the interactions between the Hebrews and the Egyptians thousands of years earlier. It is plausible that some Greeks, like some Egyptians who left with the Hebrews during the Exodus, abandoned pagan practices and aligned themselves with the true Elohim. Nonetheless, they may have faced discrimination from Jews who harbored resentment for the Greek oppressions during the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. To explore this perspective further, we will examine the words translated as “Greek” or “Gentile” in the New Testament and analyze the historical relationship between Greeks and Jews from Alexander’s reign until the time of Yeshua Messiah.
The Words Behind Greek and Gentile
The authors of the Messianic writings demonstrate careful word usage, distinguishing between references to Gentiles in general and Greeks specifically. In all instances, the term Gentile, translated from the Greek ethnos, refers to any non-Hebrew individual as seen in these few examples.
“And you shall be brought before governors and sovereigns for My sake, as a witness to them and to the nations.” (Matthew 10:18)
“And the nations shall trust in His Name.” (Matthew 12:21)
“See, we are going up to Yerushalayim (Jerusalem), and the Son of Adam shall be delivered to the chief priests and to the scribes, and they shall condemn Him to death and shall deliver Him to the nations.” (Mark 10:33)
“A light for the unveiling of the nations, and the esteem of Your people Yisra’ĕl (Israel).” (Luke 2:32)
“But the Master said to him, “Go, for he is a chosen vessel of Mine to bear My Name before nations, sovereigns, and the children of Yisra’ĕl (Israel).” (Acts 9:15)
Throughout Paul’s writings, the term used to refer to Gentiles is ethnos. While the Greek term Hellen is occasionally translated as "gentile" or "nations," this translation is more precise when compared to ethnos. Specifically, Hellen denotes the Greeks.
“The Yehudim, therefore, said to themselves, “Where is He about to go that we shall not find Him? Is He about to go to the Dispersion among the Greeks, and to teach the Greeks?” (John 7:35)
“What then? Are we better than they? Not at all, for we have previously accused both Yehudim (Jews) and Greeks that they are all under sin.” (Romans 3:9)
“Cause no stumbling, either to the Yehudim (Jews) or to the Greeks or to the assembly of Elohim.” (1 Corinthians 10:32)
“For indeed by one Spirit we were all immersed into one body, whether Yehudim(Jews) or Greeks, whether slaves or free, and we were all made to drink into one Spirit.” (1 Corinthians 12:13)
While the mistranslation of Hellen may seem minor, it highlights the significance of precisely identifying the referenced ethnicity when explicitly mentioned by the authors. If John or Paul had been referring to the Gentiles broadly, they would have used ethnos. Instead, they specifically pointed to the Greeks with Hellen. Here are several examples where the authors of the Messianic writings specifically refer to Greeks (Hellen), rather than the broader Gentile population.
“Now the woman was a Greek, a Syro-Phoenician by birth, and she kept asking Him to cast the demon out of her daughter.” (Mark 7:26)
“And he came to Derbe and Lustra. And see, a certain taught one was there, named Timotiyos (Timothy), the son of a certain Yehudi(Jew) woman who believed – but his father was Greek.” (Acts:16:1)
“There is not Yehudi(Jew) nor Greek, there is not slave nor free, there is not male and female, for you are all one in Messiah יהושע.” (Galatians 3:38)
Galatians 3:28 is sometimes translated as referring to Gentiles. While this mistranslation may seem insignificant, it raises questions about the translators' choices. Specifically, one might wonder why they used the term Gentile in some instances and Greek in others, given that the Greek text clearly distinguishes between references to a Greek (Hellen) individual and the entire Gentile (ethnos) population.
This section highlighted the authors' clear distinction between Greeks and Gentiles, emphasizing their precise choice of terminology. Before exploring the reasons behind the specific mention of Greeks, it is essential to consider Alexander the Great and his conquest of Judah, which provides important historical context.
Alexander the Great
Prior to his campaign against the Persians, Alexander the Great engaged briefly with the Kingdom of Judah, an interaction that would have enduring implications for the Jewish people and the broader people of Israel. His initial approach was to conquer Jerusalem and its inhabitants, as he had with other territories, but divine intervention altered his plans.
“Now Alexander, when he had taken Gaza, made haste to go up to Jerusalem; and Jaddua the high priest, when he heard that, was in an agony, and under terror, as not knowing how he should meet the Macedonians, since the king was displeased at his foregoing disobedience. He therefore ordained that the people should make supplications, and should join with him in offering sacrifice to God, whom he besought to protect that nation, and to deliver them from the perils that were coming upon them; whereupon God warned him in a dream, which came upon him after he had offered sacrifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city, and open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments, but that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits proper to their order, without the dread of any ill consequences, which the providence of God would prevent. Upon which, when he rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced, and declared to all the warning he had received from God. According to which dream he acted entirely, and so waited for the coming of the king.” (Josephus, Flavius. The Works of Flavius Josephus: Complete and Unabridged (p. 1017). Titan Read. Kindle Edition.)
“Alexander, when he saw the multitude at a distance, in white garments, while the priests stood clothed with fine linen, and the high priest in purple and scarlet clothing, with his mitre on his head, having the golden plate whereon the name of God was engraved, he approached by himself, and adored that name, and first saluted the high priest.” (Josephus, Flavius. The Works of Flavius Josephus: Complete and Unabridged (p. 1018). Titan Read. Kindle Edition.)
“However, Parmenio alone went up to him, and asked him how it came to pass that, when all others adored him, he should adore the high priest of the Jews? To whom he replied, “I did not adore him, but that God who hath honored him with his high priesthood; for I saw this very person in a dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios in Macedonia, who, when I was considering with myself how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over the sea thither, for that he would conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the Persians; whence it is that, having seen no other in that habit, and now seeing this person in it, and remembering that vision, and the exhortation which I had in my dream, I believe that I bring this army under the Divine conduct, and shall therewith conquer Darius, and destroy the power of the Persians, and that all things will succeed according to what is in my own mind.”” (Josephus, Flavius. The Works of Flavius Josephus: Complete and Unabridged (p. 1018). Titan Read. Kindle Edition.)
Elohim conveyed a vision to Alexander the Great, depicting Jaddua, the high priest of Jerusalem at the time. In this dream, Alexander envisioned himself conquering the Persians. Experiencing the revelation profoundly impressed him, leading to a gesture of respect he had not previously shown to anyone—saluting or bowing before Jaddua. It is important to note that Alexander’s admiration was directed not solely toward Jaddua but toward the divine power he believed appointed him, as Alexander himself stated. Even going so far as to offer appropriate sacrifices to Elohim.
“And when he went up into the temple, he offered sacrifice to God, according to the high priest’s direction.” (Josephus, Flavius. The Works of Flavius Josephus: Complete and Unabridged (p. 1018). Titan Read. Kindle Edition.)
Alexander was also shown a prophecy in the Book of Daniel that describes the rise and fall of several empires. This includes the third kingdom, Greece, represented by bronze (Daniel 2:39), the four-headed winged leopard (Daniel 7:6), and the goat that becomes great but has its horn broken into four pieces, symbolizing the Hellenistic Kingdoms (Daniel 8:3-8).
“And when the Book of Daniel was showed him 23 wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks should destroy the empire of the Persians, he supposed that himself was the person intended.” (Josephus, Flavius. The Works of Flavius Josephus: Complete and Unabridged (p. 1019). Titan Read. Kindle Edition.)
Following Alexander’s stay in Judah, he permitted the Jews to join his army while respecting their ancient traditions, fostering greater cultural exchange between the two nations. By granting the Jews the right to follow Yah and uphold His Torah, he established a bond rooted in shared values and mutual respect. This alliance not only strengthened their collective efforts during his conquests but also laid the groundwork for enduring cultural and spiritual connections that would influence future generations.
“The next day he called them to him, and bid them ask what favors they pleased of him; whereupon the high priest desired that they might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all they desired. And when they entreated him that he would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to enjoy their own laws also, he willingly promised to do hereafter what they desired. And when he said to the multitude, that if any of them would enlist themselves in his army, on this condition, that they should continue under the laws of their forefathers, and live according to them, he was willing to take them with him, many were ready to accompany him in his wars.” (Josephus, Flavius. The Works of Flavius Josephus: Complete and Unabridged (p. 1019). Titan Read. Kindle Edition.)
From Alexander to the Maccabees
Throughout history, the interactions between Judah and Greece have been marked by periods of coexistence and conflict, shaping the course of their histories. Alexander the Great's conquest of Judah in 332 BCE and the subsequent rule of Antiochus Epiphanes over the region from 175-164 BCE exemplify this complex relationship. For over a century, Jews and Greeks shared lives—working, fighting, and intermarrying—mirroring the earlier bonds between Israel and Egypt from Joseph's era to the time of a forgetful pharaoh (Exodus 1:8). However, this peaceful coexistence gradually deteriorated, culminating in the rise of a new ruler whose malevolence echoed the ancient pharaohs' cruelty.
“Alexander had reigned twelve years when he died. So his officers took over his kingdom, each in his own territory, and after his death they all put on crowns, and so did their sons after them for many years, multiplying evils on the earth. There sprang from these a sinful offshoot, Antiochus Epiphanes, son of King Antiochus, once a hostage at Rome. He became king in the one hundred and thirty-seventh year of the kingdom of the Greeks.” (1 Maccabees 1:7-10)
While I have previously detailed the events of the Maccabean rebellion in "The Story of Hanukkah" and "Remembering Hanukkah," it is important to note that during this period, Greek culture gained prominence among the Jews. This shift led to a growing disregard for the Torah and was accompanied by harsh suppression, reflecting the complex historical context of the time.
The conflict between the two sides was intense and brutal, marked by violence and a lack of compassion. The Greeks committed atrocities, including killing women, children, and the elderly, and sought to eradicate the Torah from the land. Their transgressions against former allies and neighbors were severe, and their treatment of the Jews was particularly cruel. Despite these hardships and the opposition of a wicked king, the Jews ultimately triumphed over the Greeks and restored the land to Yah.
From the Maccabean Rebellion to Yeshua
The Maccabean rebellion took place from 167-160 BCE, and most scholars place Yeshua’s birth around 8 BCE and 4 BCE. Another hundred years plus between Greek and Jew, making the total from Alexander to Yeshua 324 years. Over three centuries of two cultures mixing, fighting, and living together. Such time and history bring into focus why the Greeks were mentioned so much in the Messianic/Apostolic writings. The Greeks were not merely some other Gentile nation; there was an intermingling and conversion (on both sides) that is only comparable to the Northern Kingdom of Israel being dispersed to the nations, and later Judah by the Romans.
It is noteworthy that the earliest copies of the New Testament are written in Greek, that many of Paul’s journeys took him to Greek city-states, and he had prominent Greek followers. Additionally, a significant population of Hellenists, or Greek-speaking Jews, existed—those who assimilated into Greek society and culture. Throughout history, there has been tension between those who remained faithful to the traditional path and those who diverged from it, despite efforts at teshuva, or repentance, over the years. It is important to acknowledge that historical records may identify all Hellenists as Greek-speaking Jews; however, it remains uncertain whether Greek converts were also included under the Hellenist designation. As seen in Act 6.
“And in those days, when the taught ones were increasing, there arose a grumbling against the Hebrews by the Hellenists, because their widows were overlooked in the daily serving.” (Acts 6:1)
This passage indicates that the Hellenists participated in Sabbath services but continued to face neglect. Consequently, the faith leaders devised a solution to address this issue.
“Therefore, brothers, seek out from among you seven men who are known to be filled with the Set-apart Spirit and wisdom, whom we shall appoint for this duty, “but we shall give ourselves continually to prayer and to serving the Word. And the word pleased the entire group. And they chose Stephanos, a man filled with belief and the Set-apart Spirit, and Philip, and Prochoros, and Nikanor, and Timon, and Parmenas, and Nikolaos, a convert from Antioch, whom they set before the emissaries. And when they had prayed, they laid hands on them.” (Acts 6:3-6)
If the names of the emissaries are indicative, it appears that all of them were Greek. What might be the reason for sending Greeks, of the flesh, to witness in the synagogues where Hellenists were being mistreated? It could be to demonstrate that Elohim accepts all who come to Him and enter into a covenant. This was particularly evident through the power of the Spirit that Stephanos possessed.
“And Stephanos, filled with belief and power, did great wonders and signs among the people.” (Acts 6:8)
Although many individuals were persuaded and gained proper understanding through the efforts of the emissaries, there remained a significant portion of the population who opposed these teachings. They argued that the Hebrew Greeks criticized Moses and Elohim, further highlighting the deep-seated remorse the Jews felt towards the Hellenists.
“But some of those of the so-called Congregation of the Freedmen (Cyrenians, Alexandrians, and those from Kilikia and Asia), rose up, disputing with Stephanos, but they were unable to resist the wisdom and the Spirit by which he spoke. Then they instigated men to say, “We have heard him speak blasphemous words against Mosheh and Elohim.” (Acts 6:9-11)
Stephanos was subsequently brought before the High Priest for trial, during which he provided a precise account of the scriptures from Abraham to Moses. He concluded his discourse with truthful words that profoundly addressed the core issue.
“Which of the prophets did your fathers not persecute? And they killed those who before announced the coming of the Righteous One, of whom you now have become the betrayers and murderers, who received the Torah as it was ordained by messengers, but did not watch over it.” (Acts 6:52-52)
The Jewish community, which had taken pride in their distinct identity and resisted assimilation into other nations—a stance rooted in their ancestors' efforts during the Maccabean Rebellion—became enraged upon encountering this Hebrew Greek pointing out their shortcomings. This reaction was not due to rudeness on Stephanos's part; rather, it reflected a historical pattern of harlotry within Judah. In his era, the Jews of the Talmud appeared more like the Antiochus Greeks, than the Maccabees who fought for their independence.
Conclusion
This ultimately resulted in Stephano’s death, exemplifying the tensions faced by early followers of Yeshua in reconciling the cultural and religious differences between converted Greeks (both Hellen and Hellenists) and those of Abrahamic descent. Consequently, after Yeshua’s ascension, his disciples endeavored to transcend these divisions, seeking to heal historical wounds and foster unity. Their primary focus was on tending to their immediate community, which was essential before they could effectively reach out to the broader lost sheep of the House of Israel, emphasizing the importance of internal cohesion as a foundation for external outreach.
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